Kevin Drum has an interesting question, which I would like to see answered properly:
Everyone at the table seemed to agree that the Democratic Party was out of touch with the working class in America, broadly defined. Why? Because Dem leaders are a bunch of college-educated elites who make a lot of money and don't really identify with the problems of people who make $30,000 a year.
OK, fine. Let's suppose that's true. But the Democratic Party in the 30s and 40s was mostly headed by Harvard-educated rich guys, and they seemed to do pretty well on working class issues. FDR wasn't exactly a prole, after all. So what's the difference?
The answer Kevin received was 'Unions'.
Kevin is right in saying that labor unions had a very powerful position within the Democratic Party. I grew up in that environment, as my grandfather was involved in unions, and held leadership positions in the AFL-CIO, as well as other international union organizations in Washington. Growing up in that environment, I got to see, first hand, how the labor movement was a positive force for working class Americans. I also was witness to the fall of the labor movement through the late 70's and 80's.
Why the labor movement faltered, and does not have the same impact today, that it had through the 60's before its decline, particularly in the 80's when the decline became precipitous, is that the Democratic party became, not just entrenched with its comfortable leaders. It really began with the Democratic party allowing the Republican Party to marginalize organized labor.
In many union organizations, people who aligned themselves with the Socialist movement, and in some cases the Communist movement became easy targets for the "Red Scare" Republicans. These charges of Communist sympathizers in organized labor began to scare people off. Many Democrats were afraid of being tarred with that overly broad brush. Jump forward to the 1980's, and Reagan's strong stance against the USSR, and the Democrats inability (or maybe unwillingness) to adequately counter the Communist sympathizer charges that stuck to members of the labor movement really began to hurt.
This lack of an effective counter created the situation in which Reagan was able to enact some tough anti-union laws, reduced enforcement (or actively undermined, in some cases), and businesses were able to set about preventing workers from organizing in the workplace. Jump forward again to the 1990's and we have NAFTA, and globalization shifting our manufacturing base (strong union representation) offshore, as well as the rise in the IT industry.
The problem with the IT industry and its workers, is that many tend towards the Libertarian (or so they think) bent. The late 1990's, 2000 - 2002 were ripe for the picking (and probably still are to some extent, today), as far as organizing collectively goes. IT personnel were being forced into working extremely long hours (80 hour work weeks were more common than not), and pay and benefits were being eschewed for stock options, most of which never materialized into anything beyond the value of the paper they were printed on. However, because there were a few examples of people who hit the big time (Mark Cuban, et al), the thought of giving up the chance of becoming a dot-com billionaire held more sway, than the thought of having a secure job with good benefits, and reasonable pay.
Now with offshoring of IT jobs a permanent fixture of the future of IT in America, the prospect of a company such as Microsoft, or Dell, or IBM having to contend with their staff organizing into a union, is slim. The ease by which IT companies, and non-IT companies with large IT staff, can shift stuff offshore at the threat of employees demanding collective bargaining rights is nullified, even before they can start.
What is left is the service industry. While unions such as the SEIU have made significant strides in signing up new members, and expanding their operations, some have charged that these new unions are too management friendly. Maybe it reflects the current economic environment. More likely it reflects a weakness in the Democratic Party.
We don't have high profile Democratic Party representatives stumping for union priorities. The best we get is legislation to increase the minimum wage. Instead of hitting the airwaves, and the roadways going to the electorate to champion this cause, and generate grassroots support, the Democrats hope that the media will cover the story. They did, and they portrayed it as a "Democratic Party election-year issue".
To be honest, from where I am sitting, that is what it looked like. Where is the organized campaign, where are the Senators and Representatives out stumping for this issue?
Is the Democratic Party truly out of touch with the American working class?
Looks like it.
So what should the Democratic Party do?
That depends on what the leadership wants. Do they want to become representative of the working-class again? Or are they happy abdicating that group of people.
Starting in the 1990's the media began lumping groups of voters together. Southern voters, Values voters, Soccer moms, Safety moms, NASCAR dads, etc. It is my belief that these groupings successfully divided the electorate, and particularly the working-class electorate along lines that harmed Democrats.
While there is a traditional resistance to organized labor in the South, and the Southwest there has been a migration of workers from the parts of the country that have been traditionally favorable to organized labor to these areas. There are people in the South and Southwest who are
amenable to a resurgence in the labor movement. This presents an opportunity for the Democratic Party to reestablish its connection to working-class Americans.
Will Democrats act?
The Republican Party remains faithful in its opposition to organized labor, so there is no fear of Republicans co-opting this issue from Democrats. However, by no means does that mean these individuals will jump on the Democratic Party bandwagon. Particularly if the Democrats don't start speaking to them. What will likely happen, and what is happening today, is that national union organizations will begin to split their loyalties, or start to support a third party. While the possibility of a third party is attractive, and probably desirable, it will be disastrous to the Democratic Party. It will allow the Republican Party to continue to strengthen, and consolidate its power, possibly for a generation or more.
I know I am not the first person to think along these lines, nor will I be the last. What needs to happen, and happen soon, if the Democrats don't want to lose this vital support (what of it is left), is to start speaking to REAL working-class issues. Job security, benefits, retirement, and wages. These are the issues that are largely absent from the national discourse.
Elections are largely won on domestic issues. Republicans have telegraphed their intention to run on the Iraq war, and its attendant issues, all the while ignoring the domestic problems we are faced with today. The Religious Right have begun to make it clear that their pet issues (gay marriage, abortion, etc.) are getting short shrift from the Republican Party. They are basing their support on these (although reprehensible) domestic issues. Americans care about domestic issues, and foreign policy issues, while important, are not make or break issues. The make or break issues are these other things that are being ignored by politicians, and the media, yet affect Americans directly.
This all ties back to the media narrative that is being developed. Democrats have the opportunity to turn the debate back to domestic issues, but only if they take strong, vocal stands. Political grandstanding in Washington D.C. on the minimum wage issue only works, if it is followed by taking the word to the streets. Going to the people, and telling them directly, what is at stake will make the difference.
When Joe Biden said to
Wolf Blitzer:
BLITZER: All right. You want to respond to the vice president, Senator Biden?
BIDEN: No, I don't want to respond to him. He's at 20 percent in the polls. No one listens to him. He has no credibility. It's ridiculous.
That is how
all Democrats need to respond to, not only Cheney, but Bush whose popularity is mired below 40%, and dropping.
Then, the debate can shift. Then, Democrats can start speaking to the issues that Democrats should be promoting.
Then, and only then, will the perception that the Democratic Party is out of touch with the working-class American, be reversed.
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